Cold War End, the Gulf War and Oslo, 1989–95
The End of the Cold War
Between November 1989 and December 1991 the geopolitical map of the Middle East was rewritten by events thousands of miles away. The Berlin Wall came down; the Warsaw Pact dissolved; the Soviet Union itself ceased to exist on 26 December 1991. Arab states that had relied on Soviet weapons, advisers and political cover — Syria most of all, but also Iraq, Egypt before 1972 and South Yemen — lost their patron. The United States entered what one of its strategists called the unipolar moment. For the first time since 1945 there was no second great power to fund Arab rejectionism. Cold War alignments that had blocked every previous peace effort lost their force.
The Soviet Union dissolved on 26 December 1991. Syria and Iraq lost their main superpower patron; the United States entered a ‘unipolar moment’ with no Cold War rival to block diplomatic frameworks. Arab rejectionism lost the financial and political backing it had relied on for forty years.
Iraq, Kuwait and the PLO’s Mistake
On 2 August 1990 Iraq invaded and annexed Kuwait. President George H. W. Bush built a thirty-five-state coalition under UN Security Council Resolution 678 that included not only the NATO allies but Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Morocco — an Arab-state line-up that would have been impossible during the Cold War. Yasser Arafat, gambling on his domestic Palestinian audience, publicly supported Saddam Hussein. The Gulf states retaliated by expelling around 350,000 Palestinian guest workers from Kuwait alone after liberation; Saudi, Kuwaiti and Gulf Cooperation Council aid to the PLO was cut, leaving the organisation roughly $300 million a year poorer. Arafat’s 1990 alignment cost the PLO the Arab funding it had relied on since the late 1960s — a financial squeeze that pushed it towards negotiation by 1992.
The Gulf War, January–February 1991
The air campaign of the Gulf War began on 17 January 1991. Saddam attempted to break the Arab portion of the coalition by firing thirty-nine Scud missiles at Israeli cities — if Israel retaliated, Egypt, Syria and Saudi Arabia could not stand alongside the Israelis. Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir, after intense US pressure and the deployment of US Patriot missiles in Tel Aviv, held back. The ground war began on 24 February and ended in a ceasefire one hundred hours later. The coalition held; the United States emerged as the only conceivable broker of any future Middle East settlement; and Israeli restraint had been visibly worth something to the United States, providing a debt the next administration could collect.
Students sometimes treat the Rabin-Arafat handshake as a sudden breakthrough. The strongest answers show the chain. The end of the Cold War removed Soviet support for Arab rejectionism. The Gulf War cost the PLO its Gulf state funding. The Madrid Conference of October 1991 brought every regional state to the same table for the first time. Rabin’s narrow election win in June 1992 put a Labour government willing to negotiate in office. Arafat, weakened in Tunis, was finally pliable. None of those four conditions had been present a decade earlier; together they made Oslo possible. Nothing about it was inevitable, but everything about it was caused.
Madrid, October 1991
From 30 October to 1 November 1991 the United States and the dying Soviet Union co-hosted the Madrid Conference. For the first time Israel, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and a Palestinian delegation (formally part of the Jordanian delegation, with PLO members vetted by Israel) sat at the same negotiating table. Madrid produced no breakthrough but it set up bilateral tracks — Israeli-Syrian, Israeli-Lebanese, Israeli-Jordanian, Israeli-Palestinian — that ran in parallel for the next few years. The Madrid track was visible, multilateral, and slow; the deal that broke through came from a track no one in Madrid was watching.
The Norwegian Channel, 1992–93
In June 1992 Yitzhak Rabin’s Labour party won the Israeli election, narrowly displacing Shamir’s Likud. From January 1993 the Norwegian government hosted secret meetings outside Oslo between Israeli academics (later Israeli government negotiators) and PLO representatives. The two sides reached a draft Declaration of Principles in August 1993. On 9 September Arafat wrote to Rabin recognising Israel’s right to exist; Rabin replied recognising the PLO as the representative of the Palestinian people. On 13 September 1993, on the South Lawn of the White House, Rabin and Arafat signed the Declaration of Principles in front of US President Bill Clinton, who hosted but did not negotiate. The reluctant handshake between Rabin and Arafat became the defining image of post-Cold War Middle East diplomacy.
The Oslo back-channel was hosted by Norway from January 1993. On 13 September 1993 Rabin and Arafat signed the Declaration of Principles in Washington with Clinton as host. The two sides exchanged letters of mutual recognition four days earlier; the agreement set out a five-year interim period and self-government for Gaza and Jericho first.
From Declaration to Authority
Implementation followed quickly. In May 1994 the Cairo Agreement transferred Gaza and Jericho to Palestinian self-government. The Palestinian National Authority took over civil administration; Arafat returned to Gaza on 1 July 1994 after twenty-seven years in exile. On 26 October 1994 Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin and Abdelsalam al-Majali signed the Israel-Jordan peace treaty, the second Arab-Israeli treaty after the 1979 Treaty of Washington. On 28 September 1995 Rabin and Arafat signed the Interim Agreement, known as Oslo II, in Washington. The agreement divided the West Bank into Areas A, B and C: A under full PA control, B under PA civil control and Israeli security, C under full Israeli control.
Rabin’s Assassination
Oslo had powerful Israeli opponents. Settler movements and right-wing rallies in 1994–95 portrayed Rabin as a traitor; some demonstrators waved posters of him in Nazi uniform. On 4 November 1995, after speaking at a peace rally in Tel Aviv’s Kings of Israel Square, Rabin was shot twice by Yigal Amir, a 25-year-old Jewish religious nationalist. He died on the operating table. Hamas, which had rejected the Oslo Accords from the start, escalated suicide bombings of Israeli buses and cafes in 1995–96. Shimon Peres lost the 1996 election by a fraction of a percent to Likud’s Benjamin Netanyahu, who had campaigned against the Accords. The Oslo process did not formally end in 1995; the political momentum behind it largely did.
Separate two tracks at the 1995 endpoint. Bilateral peace between Israel and named Arab states held: the 1979 Egypt treaty was still in force, the 1994 Israel-Jordan treaty held, and Gulf states began informal contacts with Israel from the early 1990s. The Palestinian-Israeli track produced mutual recognition, a Palestinian Authority and the Areas A/B/C division of the West Bank — real institutional change — but the ‘final-status’ issues (refugees, Jerusalem, settlements, borders) were deferred indefinitely and never resolved. Strong answers say so plainly rather than judging the whole peace project a success or a failure.