Opposition to the Reformation: More, Fisher and Barton
Once Parliament made denying the royal supremacy a capital offence, principled refusal became dangerous. In 1534 and 1535 three of England’s most prominent religious voices — Elizabeth Barton, John Fisher and Thomas More — tested whether the new church would tolerate dissent. None of them survived. Their executions sent a clear message about the limits of permissible disagreement, and shaped how the wider English Reformation would proceed under Cromwell and Cranmer.
The Nun of Kent: Visions and Treason
Elizabeth Barton was a young Benedictine nun who had begun receiving visions in 1525. Her prophecies attracted respectful attention from senior figures, including Archbishop Warham and even Wolsey, and she had spoken with Henry VIII himself. Her visions were initially uncontroversial. After 1532, however, she began to prophesy that if Henry married Anne Boleyn, he would die within a month and lose his soul. Word of these prophecies spread through London and into the houses of leading Catholics.
Cromwell’s response was decisive. In November 1533 Barton and her circle — including her confessor, Edward Bocking — were arrested and forced to confess publicly at Paul’s Cross that her visions had been fabricated. In early 1534 Parliament passed an Act of Attainder, condemning her without trial. On 20 April 1534 Barton was hanged at Tyburn alongside five male supporters — an unprecedented execution of a woman for political prophecy. The case demonstrated that Cromwell would treat religious resistance as treason, even when the resister was a popular visionary.
Elizabeth Barton, the Nun of Kent, prophesied that Henry would die if he married Anne Boleyn. Cromwell had her arrested in November 1533, condemned by Act of Attainder, and hanged at Tyburn in April 1534 — a warning to all religious opponents of the annulment.
John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester
Of all the English bishops, only one openly defied the supremacy: John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester since 1504. Fisher had been Catherine of Aragon’s confessor and her most articulate defender at Blackfriars. He had also publicly defended papal authority since the start of the annulment crisis. Fisher had been peripheral to the Barton case, though he had received some of her prophecies and not reported them. In 1534 he refused to swear the Oath of Succession because the preamble denied papal authority.
Fisher was sent to the Tower of London in April 1534. While he was imprisoned, Pope Paul III — in a gesture that infuriated Henry — created Fisher a cardinal in May 1535. The new title sealed Fisher’s fate. He was tried for treason in June 1535 under the new Treason Act, convicted, and beheaded on 22 June. He was 65 years old. Even by Tudor standards, the execution of a sitting bishop — and a newly created cardinal — was a political shock that resonated across Catholic Europe.
Sir Thomas More: Principled Silence
Sir Thomas More had been Lord Chancellor from October 1529, succeeding Wolsey. He was a humanist scholar of European reputation, friend of Erasmus, and author of Utopia (1516). He had also been a fierce persecutor of English heretics. More resigned the chancellorship in May 1532, the day after the Submission of the Clergy, recognising that the direction of royal religious policy was incompatible with his conscience.
When the Oath of Succession was administered in April 1534, More refused it. His objection was specific: he would not swear the preamble, which denied papal authority, even though he was prepared to accept Anne Boleyn’s daughter Elizabeth as heir. He took refuge in legal silence. He told his interrogators that the law could not compel a man to swear against his conscience, that his silence implied no opinion, and that qui tacet consentire videtur — he who is silent is taken to consent. The argument was legally sophisticated and morally formidable. It also failed.
More accepted the new succession. What he refused was the supremacy — the doctrine that the king of England, not the Pope, was head of the Church. The distinction matters. More was a humanist Catholic, not a defender of Catherine; his fight was over papal authority, not the marriage. The 1534 Treason Act, which made denying the supremacy a capital offence, was the law under which he was condemned, and it made his attempt at silence inadequate.
More’s Trial and Execution
More was sent to the Tower in April 1534 and held for fifteen months. His trial took place at Westminster Hall on 1 July 1535 under the 1534 Treason Act. The decisive evidence was the testimony of Sir Richard Rich, the Solicitor-General, who claimed More had spoken against the supremacy in private conversation in his cell. More denied the charge under oath; he and his contemporaries believed Rich had perjured himself. The jury convicted him in fifteen minutes. More was beheaded on Tower Hill on 6 July 1535. His last reported words were that he died ‘the king’s good servant, but God’s first’ — a formulation that would shape Catholic remembrance of the Reformation for centuries.
More resigned as Lord Chancellor in May 1532, refused the Oath of Succession in April 1534 because of its preamble denying papal authority, and was convicted of treason on 1 July 1535 on the disputed testimony of Sir Richard Rich. He was beheaded five days later.
Cranmer, Cromwell and the Wider Impact
While the executions stamped out high-profile opposition, Cromwell and Thomas Cranmer reshaped the parish church. Cranmer’s 1536 Ten Articles introduced a moderate Protestant influence on doctrine, including a reduced number of sacraments and an emphasis on scripture. Cromwell’s royal injunctions of 1536 and 1538 ordered every parish to acquire an English Bible, teach the Pater Noster, Creed and Ten Commandments in English, and keep parish registers of births, marriages and deaths — an administrative innovation that survived into the twentieth century.
The result was a Reformation that combined ruthless enforcement with steady administrative change. Public dissent was treated as treason; quiet pastoral practice was reshaped through commissioners and visitations. By the late 1530s the English Church was unmistakably under royal control, with the parish life of ordinary people changing more slowly than the constitutional headlines suggested.
G.W. Bernard’s 2005 The King’s Reformation sees the executions as evidence that Henry himself drove the radical edge of religious change — not Cromwell. Diarmaid MacCulloch credits Cromwell with the legal architecture and the 1536 evangelical injunctions, but agrees the king set the appetite for capital punishment of dissent. John Guy stresses how rare and shocking the execution of a senior bishop and a former Lord Chancellor was in early modern Europe; the deaths of Fisher and More became propaganda gifts to Catholic powers and shaped the future of English Catholic identity.