The Dissolution of the Monasteries, 1535–40
In 1535 there were roughly 800 religious houses in England and Wales, holding around a fifth of the country’s landed wealth and employing some 10,000 monks, nuns and friars. By 1540 every single one of them had been suppressed, their land sold, their plate melted down and their buildings stripped or pulled down for stone. It was the largest transfer of property in English history before the modern era. The official justification was the reform of corrupt religion. The real outcome — though framed in spiritual language — was a fiscal and political revolution that bound the gentry of England to the new Tudor regime.
Religious Houses in Local Communities
Before 1535 monasteries were embedded in every region of England. They were landlords renting farms to tenants, employers of servants and labourers, hosts of travellers, schools for the local gentry’s sons, and almoners distributing food to the poor at the gate. Larger houses such as Glastonbury, Fountains and Reading had incomes greater than most peers of the realm. Smaller ones were tiny — sometimes only three or four monks — and often poorly run. Either way they were the most visible institutions of medieval Christianity in their local communities, and a Mass said in their churches was understood to relieve souls in purgatory.
The crown’s attack therefore did not begin in a vacuum. Reformers including Erasmus had long mocked monastic laxity, and Wolsey had already dissolved 29 smaller houses in the 1520s to fund his colleges at Oxford and Ipswich. Cromwell himself had cut his administrative teeth on Wolsey’s closures. What was new in 1535 was the scale, the speed, and the legal machinery that turned a long-running reformist trend into a complete suppression.
Around 800 religious houses operated in England and Wales in 1535, holding roughly a fifth of the country’s landed wealth. They acted as landlords, employers, almsgivers, hostels for travellers and schools for the gentry — their suppression touched every county.
Cromwell’s Commissions of 1535
As Vicegerent in Spirituals, Cromwell launched two parallel surveys in 1535. The first was the Valor Ecclesiasticus, a county-by-county valuation of every benefice and religious house in the country. Conducted by gentry commissioners and finished in months, it produced the most accurate picture of monastic wealth ever compiled. The total annual income was put at around £165,000 — a sum larger than the king’s ordinary revenue.
The second survey, conducted by visitors including Richard Layton and Thomas Legh, was a moral inspection. They asked questions designed to elicit damaging answers: about sexual conduct, about superstitious relics, about disobedience to royal authority. Their reports — the Comperta — landed on Cromwell’s desk by early 1536 and were a catalogue of (selectively) shocking abuses. Whether the abuses were widespread is debatable. The reports’ political function was not in doubt: they provided the justification for legislation already drafted.
The 1536 Act: Smaller Houses First
The Act for the Suppression of the Lesser Monasteries of March 1536 dissolved every house with an annual income under £200, citing the ‘manifest sin, vicious, carnal and abominable living’ uncovered by the visitors. It targeted around 300 smaller houses and was carefully framed as a reforming measure: larger, ‘great and solemn’ monasteries were left standing, and their abbots reassured. The 1536 Act was the thin end of the wedge. Land and rents from the dissolved houses passed to a new department, the Court of Augmentations, set up specifically to manage them and to channel the income to the crown.
The Comperta reports were genuine, but they were also one-sided and politically commissioned. The National Archives’ research summary on the dissolutions makes the point clearly: fiscal motives mattered as much as religious ones. Royal income from monastic land roughly doubled crown revenue in the late 1530s, and most of that wealth was sold off in the 1540s to fund Henry’s wars in France and Scotland. Diarmaid MacCulloch argues Cromwell genuinely wanted reform — an English Bible, a literate parish clergy — but agrees that without the financial prize, Henry would never have signed off on a complete suppression.
The 1539 Act: The Greater Houses Fall
After the Pilgrimage of Grace was crushed in 1537 and several leading abbots were implicated, the larger houses lost their political protection. Through 1538 and 1539 commissioners moved through them one by one, using a combination of legal pressure, threats of treason charges, and the offer of generous pensions for compliant abbots. Most surrendered ‘voluntarily’. The Second Act of Dissolution of 1539 simply legalised what was happening on the ground. The last great abbey, Waltham, was surrendered in March 1540. English monasticism, which reached back to the first Benedictine houses of the late sixth century, was extinguished in less than five years.
Beneficiaries and Losers
The crown was the immediate beneficiary. Annual royal revenue rose by something like £130,000, doubling the king’s ordinary income. But Henry did not keep the land. By the end of the 1540s, around two thirds of monastic estates had been sold or granted away — mostly to the gentry, lawyers and merchant families who could afford the prices. This was a deliberate policy choice. By selling, the crown raised cash for war and bound a wide layer of property-owners to the Reformation: anyone who bought monastic land would lose it if the old religion ever came back.
The losers were equally clear. Around 10,000 monks, nuns and friars were displaced; senior figures received pensions, but lay servants and the urban poor who had relied on monastic alms generally received nothing. commissioners stripped lead from roofs, pulled down towers and sold building stone for re-use. Local economies built around monastic markets and pilgrimage routes lost their anchor. In the north of England, where monastic landholding was particularly heavy and the parish clergy thin, the suppression was understood as the destruction of a way of life — and helped fuel the rebellion that broke out in autumn 1536.
Crown income roughly doubled by the late 1530s, but two thirds of monastic land was sold off in the 1540s. The buyers were the gentry, lawyers and merchants — the social group most invested in the new regime. The biggest losers were the displaced monastic servants and the urban poor.
G.W. Bernard’s The King’s Reformation (2005) emphasises Henry’s personal appetite for monastic wealth and his suspicion of any institution outside royal control. Diarmaid MacCulloch’s Thomas Cromwell: A Revolutionary Life (2018) argues Cromwell’s evangelical convictions made him a genuine reformer who saw monasticism as bad theology, not just rich theology — though he was happy to take the cash. The National Archives’ research guide stresses the long fiscal afterlife: the sales of the 1540s created a new gentry landowning class with a permanent stake in the Reformation. All three perspectives can be true at once.